پیامدهای غصب فدک 

بخشش فدک به فاطمه(س) به موجب مصلحت­اندیشی­های پیامبراکرم(ص) بود و غصب آن مبتنی بر انگیزه­ها و عملکردهای جایرانه خلیفه اول و هم­دستانش به­ویژه عمر بن خطاب بود . بدیهی است که با غصب آن ، نظرگاه­های اهل­بیت(ع) در استفاده از آن ناکام ماندند و در مقابل ، غاصبان به اهداف خود رسیدند . جدای از آن عواقب ، این غصب که به دست خلیفه انجام شد به­عنوان الگویی عملی درآمد که در طول تاریخ مبنای سیاست­های خلفای بنی­امیه ، بنی­عباس و سایر حاکمان اهل­سنت قرارگرفت .

در این مقاله به برخی از پیامدهای این غصب می­پردازیم :

1.                         تداوم حکومت­های مستبد و ستمگر  

غصب فدک فعل منکری بود که انکارش ضرورت داشت ، طبق وصیت امیرمؤمنان علی(ع) اگر امر به معروف و نهی­ازمنکر ترک شود ، بدان حاکم خواهند شد و دیگر دعا (برای دفع ستم) مستجاب نخواهد شد[1]. متأسفانه مسلمانان صدر اسلام از این منکر بزرگ دم فرو بستند و غاصبان به ستم­های خود ادامه دادند . ابوبکر در طول دو سال حکومت خود ستم­های دیگری را نیز مرتکب شد از جمله : قتل و غارت قبیله مسلمانان مالک بن نویره ، تأیید ازدواج خالد بن ولید ـ فرمانده سپاه ابوبکر ـ با زن محصنه مالک و پس از آن زنده سوزاندن مالک[2]، استبدادی­کردن خلافت که در وصیت خود ، عمر بن خطاب را به جانشینی انتخاب کرد و به فرموده امیرمؤمنان علی(ع) ، خلافت را بر مرکب چموشی سوار کرد[3]. خلیفه دوم نیز پس از تغییر احکام الهی هم­چون تحریم متعه ، وضع قیاس ، عول و تعصیب در ارث[4]، منع کتابت و نقل حدیث نبوی[5]، ترویج اسرائیلیات[6]، خطاهای بسیار در اجرای احکام و حدود الهی[7]، اخذ مالیات­های غیرمشروع و سنگین از مردم[8] و . . . و در نهایت خلافت را به شورایی گذاشت که نتیجه­اش روشن و در واقع از پیش تعیین­شده بود . سکوت مردم و منزوی­کردن صاحب علم کتاب و سنت پیامبراکرم(ص) ـ علی بن ابی طالب(ع) ـ مهر تأییدی بود بر ادامه استبداد به­طوری­که خلیفه سوم به احیای فرهنگ قومی و خویشاوندسالاری پرداخت و این بار بنی­اُمیه را بر گُرده مردم نشاند و خود و قومش تا حدّی به استبداد پرداختند که شورش و قیام مردمی و در آخر باعث کشته­شدن خودش به دست مردم شد . با روی کار آمدن امیرمؤمنان علی(ع) ، مترفین جامعه کارشکنی­های بسیاری ضد حکومت عدالت­خواه علی(ع) کردند و در نهایت حضرت­علی(ع) قربانی جهل جامعه شد و حاکمان مستبد یکی پس از دیگری قرن­ها بر جامعه اسلامی حکم راندند و جالب آن است که عملکرد شیخین (ابوبکر و عمر) الگوی عمل این مستبدان قرار گرفت . این درحالی بود که فاطمه(س) در پیامی به مردان مهاجر و انصار آنان را از چنین خطری خبر داده بود : «منتظر فتنه و بلا باشید و خود را برای شمشیرهای برنده و سلطه ستمگران و هرج و مرج عمومی آماده سازید . . .[9]» .

2.   نفی مالکیت فردی   

شهید محمدباقر صدر در کتاب فدک در تاریخ ، یکی از علل غصب فدک را وضعیت اقتصادی آن جامعه می­دانست که حوادث پیش آمده هم­چون مقابله با ارتداد بسیاری از قبایل ، نیاز به افزایش بودجه دولت داشت لذا ابوبکر و عمر تأمین این بودجه را از عایدات فدک فاطمه(س) کردند و عمر با پاره­کردن سند فدک مانع از استرداد آن به فاطمه(س) شد .

شهید صدر پس از نقل این انگیزه می­نویسد : «از این واقعه ، دیدگاه دو خلیفه نسبت به مالکیت فردی روشن می­شود که خلیفه حق مصادره دارایی مردم را برای هزینه در امور عمومی کشور و دولت دارد بدون آن­که عوضی به آنان بپردازد یا از آنان اجازه بخواهد ، بنابراین در صورتی­که فرمانروا به اموال شخصی افراد نیاز داشته باشد دیگر آن­ها مالکیت ثابتی بر اموال و اراضی خود نخواهند داشت . خلفای بعدی در طول تاریخ همین دیدگاه را پذیرفته و برنامه عمل خود در رفتار با حق مالکیت همه افراد بر اموال خود قرار دادند ، این درحالی است که ابوبکر این نظر را فقط در رابطه با دارایی دختر رسول­خدا(ص) اعمال کرد»[10].

3

Our revolution is an experience that is available for study to all the nations. I do not say that we have solved all our problems. We haven"t. There is no doubt that a great many problems have been created for us on account of the Revolution and on account of its Islamic character. But we have solved the problem of dominance. Today the Iranian nation and the Islamic Republic can claim that they have rid themselves of all domination and powers and that they can decide for themselves. Of course, when a nation tries to do away with all the forms of dependence, it has a long path to tread. And dependence if not accompanied with domination, pushing around, and unjust demands is something natural and tolerable. It is quite obvious that our revolution and the Islamic Republic inherited the legacy of a decadent society, a shattered economy, and a degenerate culture. What was handed down to the Revolution by the rulers of the past centuries, especially of the last fifty or sixty years, was an Iran beleaguered from all sides. It is not to be expected that the Revolution will be able to lead this dissipated heritage in a short time to the heights of cultural, ethical and economic achievement and scientific and industrial advancement. We do not make such claims, but, of course, we do anticipate a good future. We believe that it is possible for a nation to reach a high level of material advancement only through independence, self-reliance and by using its manpower and material resources. But what we positively claim today is that the Islamic Republic is not under any political pressure or domination of any power whatsoever. Political pressures do not influence it to change its course or alter its decisions; it does not change its path or its momentum on account of any consideration for some superpower. It means that we have freed ourselves and our people from the domination of the big powers.

This is an experience, which, we believe, underlines the significance of the most basic and precious of human rights in Islam: the right to live, the right to be free, the right to benefit from justice, the right to welfare, and so on. These and other such fundamental rights can be secured in an Islamic society. They can be derived from the Islamic sources and Islam has incorporated them in its commands to Muslims and drawn man"s attention towards them, much before Western thinkers gave thought to these rights and values. It is essential to return to Islam.

Muslim thinkers are charged with the responsibility of thoroughly examining and studying the subject of human rights or rather the general structure of the Islamic legal system. This is also the mission of the present conference, which, I hope, will be a new step taken in this direction, and , God willing , this work would continue. The nations of the world can benefit from the sublime outlook of Islam in this regard in coming closer to securing these rights. The Islamic governments may of course help their peoples in securing their rights, but on condition that they should have no reservations in regard to the big powers. Unfortunately, today we do not see such a state of affairs. Most of the regimes governing Islamic countries are under the influence of the big powers. The majority of them are dominated by the West and under US influence. Therefore, their actions and decisions comply neither with the Islamic principles, nor with the needs of Muslim nations.

A ready example in this regard is the conference held recently in Kuwait. You have seen that in this conference, instead of considering the basic problems of Muslims, what kinds of problems were discussed and what kind of resolution was passed. It was by no means compatible with an Islamic approach to the problem. Instead of rejecting over Iraq"s aggression against a Muslim country and its waging of a war against an Islamic revolution, they should have denounced it and expelled it from the Conference. Instead of revealing the part played by the imperialist powers in igniting the flames of this imposed war, they came out with a hollow and insipid demand for peace, and even expressed their satisfaction for Iraq"s positive response to the call for peace. They did it without going into the core of the problem, without appreciating the fact that a nation"s resolve to defend its own rights is something commendable, and without recognizing that the willingness of a government and a regime to be influenced by the pressure of imperialist powers in creating obstacles in the path of a revolution is something condemnable.

Of course, these resolutions, decisions and opinions are much invalid and weightless as they are remote from Islamic principles and values. Accordingly, there is no nation or country in the world which looks forward to knowing what step the Islamic Conference takes in Kuwait so as to welcome it or be disappointed with it. It means that these decisions and resolution are so much so removed from reality, alien to the basic Islamic criteria, and the aspirations of nations that they remain completely indifferent to these. You will not find a single country in the world whose people should be waiting eagerly to know as to what the Islamic Conference has to say, so that its resolution promises a sense of obligation or the pleasure of receiving some good news. What is the reason? Why should a gathering of forty-six Islamic states organized on the highest level of heads of states and leaders be so ineffectual and so much devoid of consequence and content? It is on account of the unfortunate fact that most of these regimes are under the influence of the big powers. As long as this domination of the big powers and their awe and fear remain in their hearts, the affairs of the Muslim nations will be in disarray. If we wish to deliver the Muslim word form its present-day disarray and confusion, the first thing that is to be done is to drive this fear and awe from the hears, as God Almighty has said: "...So fear not mankind, but fear Me..." They should not be afraid of anyone except God. If this happens, the condition of the Islamic nations will move towards betterment.

I conclude my speech with the hope that, God willing, this Islamic Thought Conference, during the few days that it will hold its sessions, will be able to make a significant contribution towards the understanding of the Islamic verities regarding human rights. Besides, the exchange of opinions between the Iranian and non-Iranian brothers will help the communication of the experience of the Islamic Revolution and the Islamic Republic and their better understanding by the non-Iranian brothers. It will provide them the opportunity to study that experience, so that other nations may view the revolution brought about by their brethren in Iran as a model and as a new path that can be possibly trodden.

Wassalam "alaykum wa rahmatullah wa barakatuh.

Source: HUMAN RIGHTS IN ISLAM

Published by: Islamic Propagation Organization, Tehran, Iran, Pages: 17-33